http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/3575 2026-03-14T22:25:19Z http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/25146 Título: Mudanças de governo e reorientação de política externa: um estudo comparado da diplomacia brasileira na UNASUL, no Acordo de Salvaguardas Tecnológicas e no BRICS (2003-2021) Autor: Santos, Leandro Wolpert dos Primeiro orientador: Pinheiro, Letícia de Abreu Abstract: After experiencing a period of economic growth and international projection in the first decade of the 21st century, Brazil began to face a deep economic recession and political instability, whose apex was the traumatic deposition of former president Dilma Rousseff, in 2016. As predicted in the Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) literature, contexts marked by political and economic crises are highly conducive to ruptures and reorientation of countries' international insertion strategies. And, in fact, with Brazil it was no different. The rise to government of a new political coalition led by former vice-president Michel Temer and, in particular, the controversial administration of current president Jair Bolsonaro not only led Brazil to see its international status downgraded from emerging power to middle power and then, during the Covid 19 pandemic, become an international pariah, but also brought about important changes in some of the main guidelines of Brazilian foreign policy. These include the Brazilian government's decision in 2018 to suspend its participation in the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and, a year later, to denounce the constituent treaty of the organization whose creation it had led. Equally notable was the ratification, in 2020, of the Technological Safeguards Agreement (TSA) with the United States, thus ending a controversy that had extended for almost twenty years in the National Congress, which was refractory to the agreement. However, these changes presented different speeds and not all Brazilian foreign policy guidelines were modified after 2016. In fact, during this period, in spite of emphasis changes, Brazil continued the cooperation projects inside the BRICS group and advocated reforms in the main international institutions, such as the reform of the United Nations Security Council. The objective of this thesis is to analyze the conditioning factors of foreign policy changes and continuities in the face of alternating governments. Through the mobilization of analytical models of FPA and Public Policy Analysis (PPA), we defend the argument that changes in government tend to produce a reorientation of foreign policy initiatives when three conditions are present: i) in the face of political failures, capable of delegitimizing the status quo and making it vulnerable to new ideas and alternative policies; ii) when there are materially and politically viable alternative policies; and iii) in the absence of veto players for political change or when the new rulers articulate coalitions capable of overcoming them. Instituição: Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro Tipo do documento: Tese 2022-10-28T00:00:00Z http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/25138 Título: Justiça igualitária e constitucionalização dos direitos sociais: Ulisses, as sereias e a arbitrariedade moral Autor: Lopes, Eduardo Lasmar Prado Primeiro orientador: Feres Júnior, João Abstract: This thesis answers whether social rights should be constitutionalized. Through the deductive method and bibliographic review on egalitarian theories of justice, on the relationship between the protection of rights and their moral value and on the theory of the constitution, it aims to respond whether theories of justice that claims to be egalitarian must provide for social rights in its constitution. Chapter 1 presents the main liberal egalitarian theories and the concept of effective freedom. That means that freedom is seen not only as non-interference, but also as a way of conceiving people as free and equal to formulate and implement their conceptions of a good life. It also examines why a resource metric should prevail, instead of other comparative measurement units, such as well-being, utilities, and capabilities. Chapter 2 analyzes right libertarianism and left-libertarianism. In the first part, I expose the main ideas of Robert Nozick, in “Anarchy, State and utopia”. In the second, I examine the role of equality in the main left libertarianism theories. In the third part, I demonstrate that both libertarianisms are incompatible with equality and insufficiently liberal. In chapter 3, I focus on the justification of social rights as an instrument for promoting effective freedom and the corresponding demand for financing and implementing social rights. I examine the relationship between social rights and the neutralization of factors that interfere in the distribution of resources and opportunities in society, especially the morally arbitrary factors. I discuss the importance that social rights have for fundamental human equality. I relate social rights to social responsibility for their implementation, including for people who make bad life choices. In chapter 4, I argue that, in the light of equal justice, equality of resources must result in the distribution of rights. I restructure traditional theories about the concept of rights to make it capable of also encompassing social rights. I also analyze why social rights should be a (primary) good subject to equal distribution of resources. In the first part of the Chapter 5, I argue that the idea of pre-commitment can be used to confer constitutional status to a norm and remove a certain subjects or rights, at least momentarily, from the ordinary politics. In the second, I criticize Rawls' formal constitutionalism and propose replacing it with a material one. In the third part, I demonstrate, considering the premises established in the work, that social rights must be constitutionalized, and I analyze the traditional objections that they would imply costs and generate a democratic deficit. In the fourth part, I carry out a case study, to test the hypotheses and verify how the constitutionalization of some social rights can be identified and justified. I conclude that, if we want to take equality seriously, social rights are fundamental instruments to mitigate moral arbitrariness and, therefore, they must be constitutionalized so that each citizen can be free and equal to formulate and implement their conception of a good life. Instituição: Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro Tipo do documento: Tese 2025-04-14T00:00:00Z http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/25017 Título: Da aliança à ruptura: relações intergovernamentais e o impeachment de governadores no Brasil Autor: Silva, Thaiza Siqueira da Primeiro orientador: Meireles, Fernando Abstract: Why do impeachment processes occur, and can they have different outcomes, even in similar scenarios that may seem favorable to the heads of government? Unlike other academic studies, this dissertation analyzes sub-national impeachment processes with different outcomes in order to answer this question. I study three cases, in Brazilian states of Amazonas, Santa Catarina and Rio de Janeiro. Despite a very favorable political configuration for the governors of these states, only a year and a few months after the start of their terms, all three faced impeachment proceedings simultaneously triggered by their respective Legislative Assemblies during the pandemic. In Amazonas, the case was dismissed without difficulty. In Santa Catarina, two impeachment processes were underway, with the governor acquitted only after the end of the process in the Special Court formed to decide on the cases. Finally, in Rio de Janeiro, the impeachment was carried out. To investigate this issue, I conducted a controlled case study to test whether the explanatory variables frequently pointed out in the literature were able to explain the different outcomes. The data was obtained through in-depth interviews, with state deputies who held key positions in the processes and former governors, as well as document analysis. The results show that the current interpretations in political science do not explain the variations observed in the states. In particular, the theoretical models fail to justify why governors face such different results under apparently similar conditions. However, the results show the emergence of a new explanatory factor: intergovernmental relations. Studying all three cases showed that breaking with the federal government led to the fall of one of the governors, while some political distancing allowed for a reversal at the end of the procedures, and full alignment ensured early dismissal. To test this new factor, I used process tracing methodology in the case study of the impeachment of the governor of Rio de Janeiro. The results show that the state government's rupture with the federal government was the initial cause and validate the intergovernmental relationship factor as a determinant of the impeachment outcome. Instituição: Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro Tipo do documento: Dissertação 2024-12-05T00:00:00Z http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/25003 Título: Preferências redistributivas no Brasil Autor: Oliveira, Lucas Martins Burgos de Primeiro orientador: Santos, Fabiano Guilherme Mendes Abstract: This thesis aims to analyze the preferences for income redistribution of Brazilian voters. Moving away from the classical approach of political science on the topic, it is not assumed that only material interest, objectively observable from the socioeconomic conditions of individuals, is the factor responsible for the constitution of political preferences on redistribution.It is argued that it is necessary to look at the life trajectories of individuals who shape their conceptions regarding the functioning of the world, which in turn condition their preferences regarding the reduction in the level of inequality. Another point of this thesis is that to analyze complex political phenomena such as preferences for redistribution, it is more methodologically advantageous to analyze how the variables of interest behave in predictions for observations not previously observable than to focus the analysis on whether or not statistical significance is achieved. Therefore, through nationally applicable surveys, it analyzed how redistributive preferences relate to: mobility of social classes (work, education and wealth); economic context (unemployment, growth in GDP per capita, income inequality) experienced by the individual during early adulthood. The results of these analyses were: there is a heterogeneous relationship between mobility and preferences, demonstrating greater consequences for trajectories involving the highest social stratum; the economic context during adulthood, measured by the selected indicators, does not appear to be very consequential in explaining the phenomenon studied. Finally, an analysis of the predictive capacity of several variables of interest available in the surveys studied confirms the explanatory limitation of material interest directly derived from socioeconomic conditions and highlights the importanc of conceptions about the social world for redistributive preferences. Instituição: Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro Tipo do documento: Tese 2024-04-26T00:00:00Z