http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/3575 Sat, 18 Apr 2026 11:30:56 GMT 2026-04-18T11:30:56Z http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/25559 Título: Rumos da democracia racial: enquadramentos midiáticos de eventos históricos e contemporâneos sobre raça no Brasil (2001–2023) Autor: Macêdo, Raíssa Sales de Primeiro orientador: Feres Júnior, João Abstract: Regarded by much of the literature at the intersection of communication, politics, and race relations as hegemonic in popular culture and media representations until recently, the myth of racial democracy has fueled academic debates in Brazil for decades. Most research in this field, however, focuses on the study of entertainment and adopts either thematically very specific or temporally narrow scopes. In light of evidence pointing to the increasing salience and popularization of race-related discussions in the Brazilian public sphere throughout this century – and taking traditional media as a privileged actor that both shapes and reflects social transformations – this research investigates how race relations have been framed by the journalism of Globo, the country’s largest media conglomerate, between 2001 and 2023. By examining how Jornal Nacional and O Globo – respectively Brazil’s leading newscast and newspaper – construct representations of race, the study seeks to understand whether the myth of racial democracy persists, has been re-signified, or has been rejected over recent decades. To this end, a frame analysis was conducted on a corpus of 458 news pieces, distributed among samples covering Brazilian historical commemorative dates (Abolition Day and Black Consciousness Day), affirmative action policies in Brazil and the United States, and episodes of racial violence in both countries. The comparative dimension of the analysis is justified by the significant role that the U.S. case has played in both the construction and critique of racial democracy in Brazil. The results reveal a substantial transformation in media framings of race over time, refuting the hypothesis of a contemporary predominance of the racial democracy interpretive package – even in its aspirational form – and demonstrate a significant increase in antiracist framings linked to social justice and, above all, multiculturalism. The emergence of new moral grammar is thus observed, marked by demands and proposals that, if not replacing, at least set themselves apart from the ideology associated with racial democracy. On the other hand, the inequality between whites and blacks in positions of power and prestige – whether as sources or authors – remains high, indicating a continued restriction of the plurality of perspectives that can access public debate via the media. Instituição: Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro Tipo do documento: Tese Fri, 25 Jul 2025 00:00:00 GMT http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/25559 2025-07-25T00:00:00Z http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/25504 Título: Machado de Assis, pensador político: liberdade religiosa, anticlericalismo e secularização (1861 e 1872) Autor: Rosa, Ana Silva Primeiro orientador: Lynch, Christian Edward Cyril Abstract: This thesis analyzes the newspaper chronicles written by Joaquim Maria Machado de Assis between 1861 and 1872, with the aim of demonstrating that these texts contain elements of political imagination, articulated through the political language of nineteenth-century liberalism. Its central hypothesis is that Machado's chronicles can be read as repositories of Brazilian political thought, in the sense proposed by Wanderley Guilherme dos Santos in his analyses of Brazilian Political Thought. To support this hypothesis, the research focuses on the first four series of chronicles published by the author — Comentários da Semana, O Futuro, Ao Acaso, and Badaladas — examining how Machado incorporates records, evaluations, and analyses of Brazilian political processes. The thematic scope privileges issues such as religious freedom, tolerance, the secularization of public life, the separation between Church and State, and the rise of ultramontane ideas. These themes constitute the core of what nineteenth-century public debate referred to as the “religious question” and are closely linked to broader movements of contestation of the imperial order in the 1860s and 1870s, such as abolitionism and political reform. The investigation adopts the methodological perspective of linguistic contextualism, inspired by the work of Quentin Skinner and John Pocock, aiming to reinsert Machado de Assis’s chronicles into the discursive, political, and social universe in which they were produced. In this sense, the study examines what Machado was doing when writing about religion and politics: with whom and against whom he spoke, which historical events he addressed, which newspapers and intellectuals he engaged with, and how his texts were received by public opinion. By analyzing how Machado de Assis observes, interprets, and evaluates the role of the Catholic Church in the imperial political arrangement, the thesis reveals the writer as a political analyst who, drawing on the common vocabulary of nineteenth-century liberalism, intervenes critically in public debate and contributes to the production of Brazilian political imagination. Instituição: Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro Tipo do documento: Tese Mon, 01 Sep 2025 00:00:00 GMT http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/25504 2025-09-01T00:00:00Z http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/25146 Título: Mudanças de governo e reorientação de política externa: um estudo comparado da diplomacia brasileira na UNASUL, no Acordo de Salvaguardas Tecnológicas e no BRICS (2003-2021) Autor: Santos, Leandro Wolpert dos Primeiro orientador: Pinheiro, Letícia de Abreu Abstract: After experiencing a period of economic growth and international projection in the first decade of the 21st century, Brazil began to face a deep economic recession and political instability, whose apex was the traumatic deposition of former president Dilma Rousseff, in 2016. As predicted in the Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) literature, contexts marked by political and economic crises are highly conducive to ruptures and reorientation of countries' international insertion strategies. And, in fact, with Brazil it was no different. The rise to government of a new political coalition led by former vice-president Michel Temer and, in particular, the controversial administration of current president Jair Bolsonaro not only led Brazil to see its international status downgraded from emerging power to middle power and then, during the Covid 19 pandemic, become an international pariah, but also brought about important changes in some of the main guidelines of Brazilian foreign policy. These include the Brazilian government's decision in 2018 to suspend its participation in the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and, a year later, to denounce the constituent treaty of the organization whose creation it had led. Equally notable was the ratification, in 2020, of the Technological Safeguards Agreement (TSA) with the United States, thus ending a controversy that had extended for almost twenty years in the National Congress, which was refractory to the agreement. However, these changes presented different speeds and not all Brazilian foreign policy guidelines were modified after 2016. In fact, during this period, in spite of emphasis changes, Brazil continued the cooperation projects inside the BRICS group and advocated reforms in the main international institutions, such as the reform of the United Nations Security Council. The objective of this thesis is to analyze the conditioning factors of foreign policy changes and continuities in the face of alternating governments. Through the mobilization of analytical models of FPA and Public Policy Analysis (PPA), we defend the argument that changes in government tend to produce a reorientation of foreign policy initiatives when three conditions are present: i) in the face of political failures, capable of delegitimizing the status quo and making it vulnerable to new ideas and alternative policies; ii) when there are materially and politically viable alternative policies; and iii) in the absence of veto players for political change or when the new rulers articulate coalitions capable of overcoming them. Instituição: Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro Tipo do documento: Tese Fri, 28 Oct 2022 00:00:00 GMT http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/25146 2022-10-28T00:00:00Z http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/25138 Título: Justiça igualitária e constitucionalização dos direitos sociais: Ulisses, as sereias e a arbitrariedade moral Autor: Lopes, Eduardo Lasmar Prado Primeiro orientador: Feres Júnior, João Abstract: This thesis answers whether social rights should be constitutionalized. Through the deductive method and bibliographic review on egalitarian theories of justice, on the relationship between the protection of rights and their moral value and on the theory of the constitution, it aims to respond whether theories of justice that claims to be egalitarian must provide for social rights in its constitution. Chapter 1 presents the main liberal egalitarian theories and the concept of effective freedom. That means that freedom is seen not only as non-interference, but also as a way of conceiving people as free and equal to formulate and implement their conceptions of a good life. It also examines why a resource metric should prevail, instead of other comparative measurement units, such as well-being, utilities, and capabilities. Chapter 2 analyzes right libertarianism and left-libertarianism. In the first part, I expose the main ideas of Robert Nozick, in “Anarchy, State and utopia”. In the second, I examine the role of equality in the main left libertarianism theories. In the third part, I demonstrate that both libertarianisms are incompatible with equality and insufficiently liberal. In chapter 3, I focus on the justification of social rights as an instrument for promoting effective freedom and the corresponding demand for financing and implementing social rights. I examine the relationship between social rights and the neutralization of factors that interfere in the distribution of resources and opportunities in society, especially the morally arbitrary factors. I discuss the importance that social rights have for fundamental human equality. I relate social rights to social responsibility for their implementation, including for people who make bad life choices. In chapter 4, I argue that, in the light of equal justice, equality of resources must result in the distribution of rights. I restructure traditional theories about the concept of rights to make it capable of also encompassing social rights. I also analyze why social rights should be a (primary) good subject to equal distribution of resources. In the first part of the Chapter 5, I argue that the idea of pre-commitment can be used to confer constitutional status to a norm and remove a certain subjects or rights, at least momentarily, from the ordinary politics. In the second, I criticize Rawls' formal constitutionalism and propose replacing it with a material one. In the third part, I demonstrate, considering the premises established in the work, that social rights must be constitutionalized, and I analyze the traditional objections that they would imply costs and generate a democratic deficit. In the fourth part, I carry out a case study, to test the hypotheses and verify how the constitutionalization of some social rights can be identified and justified. I conclude that, if we want to take equality seriously, social rights are fundamental instruments to mitigate moral arbitrariness and, therefore, they must be constitutionalized so that each citizen can be free and equal to formulate and implement their conception of a good life. Instituição: Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro Tipo do documento: Tese Mon, 14 Apr 2025 00:00:00 GMT http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/25138 2025-04-14T00:00:00Z