http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/3600 Sun, 09 Aug 2026 13:20:30 GMT 2026-08-09T13:20:30Z http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/24933 Título: The currency-energy-command of the commons complex and hegemonic dominance and rule: an analysis of American hegemony and China’s rise Autor: Martins, Fernanda de Castro Brandão Primeiro orientador: Dawood, Layla Ibrahim Abdallah Abstract: Esse trabalho tem como principal objetivo identificar as capacidades materiais consideradas fundamentais para a manutenção da preponderância de poder e o efeitivo exercício da liderança hegemônica no sistema internacional. Assim, o complexo de capacidades materiais formadas pelos elementos moeda, energia e comando dos comuns é apresentado como condição suficiente para a dominação e para o efetivo exercício da hegemonia no sistema internacional. Esse complexo de capacidades materiais permite o exercício da hegemonia uma vez que garante a reprodução das condições que sustentam a preponderância do estado hegemônico e facilitam a efetiva regulação das diversas áreas da política internacional por meio da barganha e da coerção. Os três elementos do complexo possuem profundas e complexas relações entre si que contribuem para reforçar sua importância na dinâmica de dominação hegemônica. O modelo teórico é construído a partir das teorias realistas e sua discussão sobre as capacidades materiais de poder. O complexo moeda-energia-comando dos comuns é analisado a partir da experiência americana de preponderância e dominação hegemônica no sistema internacional. É identificado o papel do complexo na criação das condições que permitiram a manutenção da preponderância e da liderança hegemônica dos Estados Unidos até hoje. A pesquisa também se volta para a República Popular da China e seu desempenho na acumulação dessas capacidades de poder uma vez que o país desponta como uma grande potência no sistema internacional e levanta questionamentos sobre a possibilidade de que supere o poder incumbente no futuro. Identifica-se que a diferença em termos de capacidades de poder material entre os dois países ainda é significativa, mas inovações tecnológicas podem contribuir para a mudança dessa situação. Contudo, é possível afirmar que a China tem buscado desenvolver suas capacidades de poder nas três áreas do complexo. Instituição: Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro Tipo do documento: Tese Thu, 28 Sep 2023 00:00:00 GMT http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/24933 2023-09-28T00:00:00Z http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/24630 Título: O Neocolonialismo no Museu Universal: embates entre o Centro e a Periferia no Século XXI: os casos das Repúblicas do Benin e da Nigéria Autor: Pimenta Bueno, Mariana Primeiro orientador: Lessa, Mônica Leite Abstract: This research is situated within the field of cultural studies in International Relations, with the objective of analyzing the movements and responses within the international system and the contestation of the international order concerning the struggle for the restitution of peripheral cultural assets looted during the European colonization process in the 19th century, which currently belong to the collections of major European museums. The period analyzed spans from 1955 to 2022. The theoretical framework is grounded in Marxism, aligning with analyses by African intellectuals of the anticolonial struggle and studies on nationalism. Thus, the research investigates what drives the shift in discourse and treatment by France and the United Kingdom regarding the demands of Benin and Nigeria, considering whether coercive and violent means are still widely tolerated by the international order, reflecting neocolonialism. The hypothesis posits that this difference in treatment is not determined by any factor other than the strategic interests these African countries represent for France and the United Kingdom, which are presently threatened by a transitioning international order. To understand the pursuit of a "nouvelle éthique relationnelle" between the Periphery and the Center, through numerous cases seeking restitution of peripheral historical-cultural heritage, two emblematic collections were chosen: the 26 royal treasures of the Kingdom of Dahomey (intended for the current Republic of Benin) housed in the Musée du quai-Branly Jacques-Chirac and the "Benin Bronzes" (claimed by Nigeria), belonging to the British Museum. To demonstrate the importance of cultural assets in the process of self-determination of colonized peoples, the intrinsic relationship between neocolonialism and the concepts involved in museum spaces and safeguarding norms is explored. The approach involves two levels: national, through the establishment of laws and creation of local museums; and international, through international organizations that establish behaviors and norms governing the international order. Therefore, the methodology of this research involved document and discourse analysis, aligned with historical-dialectical materialism and literature review.; Voici la traduction en français formel : Cette recherche s’inscrit dans le domaine des études culturelles des Relations Internationales, avec pour objectif d’analyser les mouvements et réponses au sein du système international ainsi que la contestation de l’ordre international concernant la lutte pour la restitution des biens culturels périphériques pillés durant le processus de colonisation européenne du XIXe siècle, et qui appartiennent aujourd’hui aux collections des grands musées européens. La période étudiée s’étend de 1955 à 2022. Le cadre théorique repose sur le marxisme, en s’alignant sur les analyses des intellectuels africains de la lutte anticoloniale et sur les études relatives au nationalisme. Ainsi, cette recherche explore ce qui motive le changement de discours et de traitement de la France et du Royaume-Uni à l’égard des revendications du Bénin et du Nigeria, en tenant compte de la persistance des moyens coercitifs et violents largement tolérés par l’ordre international, reflet du néocolonialisme. L’hypothèse avancée est que cette différence de traitement ne découle d’aucune autre raison que des intérêts stratégiques représentés par ces pays africains pour la France et le Royaume-Uni, intérêts actuellement menacés par un ordre international en transition. Pour comprendre la quête d’une « nouvelle éthique relationnelle » entre Périphérie et Centre, à travers les nombreux cas de restitution de biens du patrimoine historico-culturel périphérique, deux collections emblématiques ont été choisies : les 26 trésors royaux du Royaume du Dahomey (destinés à l’actuelle République du Bénin) conservés au Musée du quai Branly Jacques-Chirac, et les « Bronzes du Bénin » (réclamés par le Nigeria), appartenant au British Museum. Pour démontrer l’importance des biens culturels dans le processus d’autodétermination des peuples colonisés, la relation intrinsèque entre le néocolonialisme et les concepts liés à l’espace muséal et aux normes de sauvegarde est explorée. Cette recherche est ainsi menée sur deux niveaux : national, avec la constitution de lois et la création de musées locaux ; et international, à travers les organisations internationales qui établissent des comportements et des normes régissant l’ordre international. La méthodologie adoptée pour cette recherche s’appuie sur l’analyse de documents et de discours, en s’alignant avec le matérialisme historique-dialectique et la revue de littérature. Instituição: Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro Tipo do documento: Tese Thu, 19 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/24630 2024-12-19T00:00:00Z http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/24447 Título: Os “sabotadores” da nação: o genocídio curdo no Iraque como processo cultural e uma crítica aos mecanismos internacionais de prevenção e repressão Autor: Santana, Gustavo Alves Primeiro orientador: Suppo, Hugo Rogelio Abstract: The Kurdish genocide in Iraq during Saddam Hussein’s regime stands as a paradigmatic case of how nationalist violence can manifest as genocide, not exclusively through physical extermination but also through cultural destruction. In this dissertation, I critically examine the international mechanisms for genocide prevention and punishment, arguing that their conceptual and operational limitations have contributed to the lack of recognition of the Kurdish genocide. My research is grounded in a constructivist theoretical framework, integrating practice theory and relationalism to analyze nationalism as a set of social practices rather than a static identity. Methodologically, I employ historical qualitative analysis, drawing on archival sources, official documents from the Iraqi government and international institutions, and interviews with survivors, experts, and key actors involved in the documentation of the genocide. Additionally, I incorporate narrative inquiry to analyze survivor testimonies, emphasizing the lived experiences of those affected by the atrocities. The central argument of this dissertation is that the genocide against the Kurds was, beyond an act of mass physical violence, a process embedded in the Baath nationalist project, which sought to homogenize Iraq through the obliteration of Kurdish cultural identity. This approach expands traditional understandings of genocide by highlighting the interplay between physical and cultural destruction, challenging the narrow scope of the 1948 UN Genocide Convention. Furthermore, I demonstrate how the lack of international recognition of the Kurdish genocide is not simply a political oversight but a structural issue within the global governance of mass atrocity prevention. This research makes three key contributions. Theoretically, it advances a “practical turn” in nationalism and genocide studies by integrating nationalism and violence through the lens of social practices, i.e the so-called “new constructivisms in International Relations”. Methodologically, it brings together historical analysis and narrative inquiry to provide a more nuanced understanding of the genocide’s impact, through primary sources that have not yet been analyzed. Empirically, it offers a critical reassessment of the international response to the Kurdish genocide, exposing the limitations of existing legal and political frameworks. Ultimately, this dissertation argues for a reexamination of genocide as a process that transcends physical extermination, calling for a broader and more inclusive definition that accounts for cultural erasure as an inseparable element of genocidal violence.; El genocidio kurdo en Irak durante el régimen de Saddam Hussein representa un caso paradigmático de cómo la violencia nacionalista puede manifestarse como genocidio, no exclusivamente a través del exterminio físico, sino también mediante la destrucción cultural. En esta tesis, examino críticamente los mecanismos internacionales de prevención y sanción del genocidio, argumentando que sus limitaciones conceptuales y operativas han contribuido a la falta de reconocimiento del genocidio kurdo. Mi investigación se basa en un marco teórico constructivista, integrando la teoría práctica y el relacionismo para analizar el nacionalismo como un conjunto de prácticas sociales, y no como una identidad estática. Metodológicamente, empleo un análisis histórico cualitativo, recurriendo a fuentes de archivo, documentos oficiales del gobierno iraquí y de instituciones internacionales, además de entrevistas con sobrevivientes, especialistas y actores clave involucrados en la documentación del genocidio. Adicionalmente, incorporo la investigación narrativa para analizar los testimonios de los sobrevivientes, enfatizando las experiencias vividas por aquellos que fueron directamente afectados por las atrocidades. El argumento central de esta tesis es que el genocidio contra los kurdos fue, además de un acto de violencia física en masa, un proceso inserto en el proyecto nacionalista del Partido Baath, que buscaba homogeneizar Irak mediante la aniquilación de la identidad cultural kurda. Este enfoque amplía las concepciones tradicionales de genocidio al destacar la interconexión entre la destrucción física y cultural, desafiando los límites restrictivos de la Convención de la ONU para la Prevención y Sanción del Delito de Genocidio de 1948. Además, demuestro cómo la falta de reconocimiento internacional del genocidio kurdo no es solo una omisión política, sino un problema estructural dentro de la gobernanza global para la prevención de atrocidades masivas. Esta investigación ofrece tres contribuciones principales. En el plano teórico, promueve un “giro práctico” en los estudios sobre nacionalismo y genocidio, al integrar nacionalismo y violencia a través del prisma de las prácticas sociales, insertándose en el debate de los llamados “nuevos constructivismos en Relaciones Internacionales”. En el ámbito metodológico, combina el análisis histórico con la investigación narrativa para proporcionar una comprensión más profunda del impacto del genocidio, utilizando fuentes primarias inéditas. Empíricamente, presenta una reevaluación crítica de la respuesta internacional al genocidio kurdo, exponiendo las limitaciones de los marcos legales y políticos existentes. Finalmente, esta tesis sostiene la necesidad de reinterpretar el genocidio como un proceso que trasciende el exterminio físico, defendiendo una definición más amplia e inclusiva, que reconozca el borrado cultural como un componente inseparable de la violencia genocida. Instituição: Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro Tipo do documento: Tese Wed, 26 Mar 2025 00:00:00 GMT http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/24447 2025-03-26T00:00:00Z http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/24328 Título: Construindo estradas para o mundo: as grandes empreiteiras de obras públicas e a política externa brasileira na ditadura empresarial-militar (1968-1985) Autor: Silva, Nathan Morais Pinto da Primeiro orientador: Saraiva, Miriam Gomes Abstract: Starting from the 1970s and 1980s, during the period of the enterpreneurial-military dictatorship that ruled Brazil, large Brazilian companies in the heavy construction sector started participating in bidding processes and obtaining contracts abroad, especially in strategic regions for Brazilian foreign policy in that context, such as South America, Africa, and the greater Middle East. This doctoral thesis aims to analyze the relationship between large Brazilian construction companies and the decision-making process of Brazilian foreign policy regarding the internationalization of the sector throughout the dictatorship period, through the analysis of concrete cases regarding the introduction of three Brazilian construction companies in five countries: Camargo Corrêa in Venezuela; Mendes Júnior in Mauritania and Iraq; and Odebrecht in Chile and Angola. The research is based on a theoretical framework of critical Foreign Policy Analysis that aims to enable the examination of the influence of social actors such as entrepreneurs in the processes of formulation and implementation of foreign policy. In this sense, I argue that the connections between the business community and the state bureaucracy responsible for formulating Brazilian foreign policy at the time reflect a dynamic of 'expanded state', in the sense understood by Antonio Gramsci and by authors inspired by him, where political society and civil society intertwine in their actions, including on the international level. The research uses primary sources of various types and from both public and private sources, such as official documents, telegrams, memoirs, and news articles, in order to reconstruct the decision-making processes of Brazilian foreign policy and assess the influence of entrepreneurs from the construction sector in this context. The research indicates that these actors indirectly took part in the decision-making process of Brazilian foreign policy for the internationalization of the sector, benefiting from their connections with the state bureaucracy and ensuring the continuity of their overseas expansion. Furthermore, it was possible to ascertain that the international actions of the companies and the Brazilian state were intertwined, and this relationship created a scenario of state favoritism towards these companies, which not only supported but actively participated in the dictatorial regime that governed the country. Instituição: Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro Tipo do documento: Tese Wed, 19 Mar 2025 00:00:00 GMT http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/handle/1/24328 2025-03-19T00:00:00Z