Gênero e currículo pós 2016: a política e o político

Abstract

This research proposes an investigation through the interaction between the curriculum and gender fields, focusing on the post-2016 period in Brazil. In order to do so, I sought similarities with the post-structuralist movement, notably from the Theory of Discourse by Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau, in particular, with the categories of hegemony, politics and the political. A discussion on Judith Butler’s gender performativity category has also been covered. The main goal was to investigate, based on a documentary analysis, possible references of the gender debate in the National Common Curricular Base - BNCC (BRASIL, 2018) and in the National Common Curricular Base for early childhood education and elementary, known as BNC- Formação (BRASIL, 2020) as well as which meaning has been attributed to gender. Gender and curriculum are understood as conflicting signifiers. I therefore argue that both are discursive practices built on an unstable and challenging terrain – the political (LOPES and MACEDO, 2011; MOUFFE, 2015, BUTLER, 2018), which implies the impossibility of attributing to them definitive meanings. This leads me to deny the existence of a gender identity behind gender expressions, thus, I argue that the constitution of identity takes place in a performative manner (BUTLER, 2017). The findings of the investigations pointed to associations that allow a performative discursive practice in which the political movement tries to produce forms of intervention in the political sphere. As a result, in this context, the perspective of gender as a biological fact, a perspective that has already been rejected by social movements, such as the feminist and LGBTQIAPN+ groups, was solidified. This idea is perceived as a consequence of the strengthening of neoconservative groups, which is made clear by the slogan Gender Ideology, the “Escola sem Partido” (Portuguese for Nonpartisan School Programme) and the fake news “kit gay” and “mamadeira de piroca” (Portuguese for penis-shaped bottle), catch phrases widely disseminated during the referred period. By understanding the precariousness of politics, as well as the impossibility of reaching full consensus (MOUFFE, 2015), my focus is on a radically democratic political model. And, although this model is not capable of meeting all needs, given its excluding features, this is the model that aims to achieve the predominance of a system that does not ignores inclusion needs. A system that favours connections that seek to combat different forms of discrimination and violence, including gender-based violence.