A expressão do objeto direto anafórico na aquisição bilíngue simultânea de português brasileiro e inglês: uma investigação sobre o parâmetro do objeto nulo

Abstract

This research focuses on the expression of the anaphoric direct object (ADO) in Bilingual First Language Acquisition (BFLA) of Brazilian Portuguese (BP) and English. It has been assumed in the BFLA literature that the two languages are acquired independently in BFLA context (DE HOUWER, 1990, 2005; PARADIS; GENESEE, 1996). However studies also indicate that there may be moments in the course of the bilingual acquisition in which both languages interact resulting in parameter transfering (HULK; MÜLLER, 2000; MÜLLER; HULK, 2001; PÉREZ-LEROUX, et al 2009 ; STRIK; PÉREZ-LEROUX, 2011; SORACE, 2011). The framework adopted is the Generative Theory, particularly, the Principle & Parameter Theory (CHOMSKY, 1981) reformulated within the Minimalist Program (CHOMSKY, 1995). BP and English set different parameters for ADO: BP allows for null objects whereas English does not. The hypothesis is that there will be transfer from BP to English. Two types of null categories are observed: deictic object (Odeit) and anaphoric object (NO). We assume that the expression of the first type of null category indicates a universal default stage which would configurate a facilitation strategy (RIZZI, 2005). The possibility of use of ungrammatical NOs in English is conceived as a result of ambiguous data, which wrongly reinforce the possibility of NOs in English, in accordance with Hulk & Müller (2000) and Müller & Hulk (2001). We claim that the semantic restrictions which govern the expression of ADO in BP (CYRINO, 2006; LOPES, 2009) could only be detected with older bilinguals. The spontaneous data of three simultaneous bilinguals (N,L and A) in interaction with their parents are analyzed. N was observed from 2;1,18 to 3;8,24 years old, L was observed from 2;5,30 to 3;1,1 years old and A,from 3;2,6 to 3;8,26 anos. The forms used for the expression of ADO were identified and classified into DP, pronoun, NO and ODeit. Comparing the three bilinguals, we verified that each child seems to be in a particular moment of acquisition: N presents instances of Odeit in imperative contexts and pronouns appear only in English at 2;5,2. L shows preference for DPs in both languages and pronouns pop up only in English. At 2;6,22 years old, instances of NO appear in BP, but also in English. The bilingual A presents all types of expression of ADO and NOs appear in both languages. The data indicates that ungrammatical NOs are present in English suggesting transfer from BP to English